This morning (4.20.01) I read an email/flyer from the area Globalophobics announcing a series of
events earmarked to join the protests against the proposed FTAA. There will speaker forums,
concerts and rallies on both sides of the border. Even in this age of chronic cynicism, it is hard to
begin an article with such a dismal landscape of the inability of the 'phobics to expand beyond a
limited audience consisting of mainly white GenerationXY students and lapsed guerreros
anquilosados on the north side and, from the south, mainly lapsed guerreros
anquilosados aside from what remains from neighborhood based collectives such as the
Maclovio Rojas organization.
The great body of the labor and neighborhood communities will probably be marginalized. With
very few organizations working towards developing consciousness of struggles & political
awareness beyond their own immediate needs, expectations for mass mobilizations at this border
that would spark a decision by corporate structures to cease aggrandizing planetary dominion are
minimal.
We at the San Diego U.S./Mexico border are still, in a sense, like Los Angeles stepchildren.
Expectations of thousands of raging 'phobics from the north apparently made San Diego's finest
toy with protest licenses. Let's not forget the old chicken coop of the 1996 GOP convention protest
pit, echoed at D2K & reinforced at Quebec.
What would it take to grow out this condition? It's not that we need new recipes for success; San
Diego & Tijuana have a long history of struggle. From the turn of the 20th century
Magonistas & IWW to mass mobilizations in the early 1980s organized by local Chicano
activists against racist policy & politics, the area has experienced a protracted battle against
brutal injustice. Where have all the warriors gone? Incisions splintered their organizations, leaving
them vulnerable to the system's lures. Others simply surrendered to futility.
Last out of Pandora's box, there is the IMC; there is growth such as http://www.sdactivist.org. The
email/flyer did arrive. It might be early but all the more promise for it, even in the old buzzard's
jaundiced eye.
Per latest Quebec report datelined WashD.C. following first mention from neighboring Colombia,
our street fighting comrades are once more bloodied but unbowed. Globalophobia is bitter tasting
but nutritious by comparison to the conflicts funded in Congo, et al by U.S. govt vassal to
munitions industry.
The student antisweatshop movement,
building its own quasi-regulatory body, the Worker
Rights Consortium.
At the other (end), John Zerzan in Eugene, Oregon, who isn't
interested in
Lerner's call for "healing" but sees the rioting and property destruction as the first step toward the
collapse of industrialization and a return to "anarcho-primitivism"--a pre-agrarian hunter-gatherer
utopia.
Kalle Lasn, editor of Adbusters, and his watered-down version of revolution through
"culture-jamming."
" I was at the jail where a lot of protesters were being held and a big crowd of people was chanting
`This Is What Democracy Looks Like!' At first it sounded kind of nice. But then I thought: is this
really what democracy looks like? Nobody here looks like me. "
Rank-and-file U.S. workers of color also attended, from certain unions and locals in certain
geographic
areas. There were young African Americans in the building trades; blacks from Local 10 of the
ILWU
in San Francisco and Latinos from its Los Angeles local; Asian Americans from SEIU; Teamsters
of
color from eastern Washington state; members of the painters' union and the union of Hotel
Employees
and Restaurant Employees (H.E.R.E.). Latino/a farmworkers from the UFW and PCUN (Pineros
and
Campesinos del Noroeste) of Oregon also attended. At one point a miner from the South Africa
Labor
Network cried, "In the words of Karl Marx, `Workers of the world, unite!'" The crowd of some
25,000
people cheered.
Seattle's 27-year old Centro de la Raza organized a Latino contingent in the labor march and local
university groups, including MEChA (Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan), hooked up with
visiting activists of color. Black activists who have been fighting for an African American Heritage
Museum and Cultural Center in Seattle were there. Hop Hopkins, an AIDS activist in Seattle, also
black, made constant personal effortsto draw in people of color.
Yet several experienced activists of color in the Bay Area who had even been offered full
scholarships
chose not to go. A major reason for not participating, and the reason given by many others, was
lack of
knowledge about the WTO. As one Filipina said, "I didn't see the political significance of it how the
protest would be anti-imperialist.
Limited knowledge meant a failure to see how the WTO affected the daily lives of U.S.
communities
of color. "Activists of color felt they had more immediate issues," said Rashidi. "Also, when we
returned people told me of being worried that family and peers would say they were neglecting
their
own communities, if they went to Seattle. They would be asked, `Why are you going? You should
stay
here and help your people.'"
Four protesters of color from different Bay Area organizations talked about the "culture shock" they
experienced when they first visited the "Convergence," the protest center set up by the Direct
Action
Network, a coalition of many organizations. Said one, "When we walked in, the room was filled
with
young whites calling themselves anarchists. There was a pungent smell, many had not showered.
We
just couldn't relate to the scene so our whole group left right away." "Another told me, "They
sounded
dogmatic and paranoid." "I just freaked and left," said another. "It wasn't just race, it was also
culture,
although race was key."
Few predominantly white groups in the Bay Area made a serious effort to get people of color to
Seattle. Juliette Beck of Global Exchange worked hard with others to help people from developing
(third world) countries to come. But for U.S. people of color, the main organizations that made a
serious effort to do so were Just Act (Youth ACTion for Global JUSTice), formerly the Overseas
Development Network, and Art and Revolution, which mostly helped artists. Many activists of color
have mentioned Alli Chaggi-Starr of Art and Revolution, who not only helped people come but for
the
big march in Seattle she obtained a van with a sound system that was used by musicians and
rappers.
Jia Ching Chen recalled that once during the week of protest, in a jail holding cell, he was one of
only
two people of color among many Anglos. He tried to discuss with some of them the need to involve
more activists of color and the importance of white support in this. "Some would say, `We want to
diversify,' but didn't understand the dynamics of this." In other words, they didn't understand the
kinds
of problems described by Coumba Toure. "Other personal conversations were more productive,"
he
said, "and some white people started to recognize why people of color could view the process of
developing working relations with whites as oppressive."
Yet if only a small number of people of color went to Seattle, all those with whom I spoke found the
experience extraordinary. They spoke of being changed forever. "I saw the future." "I saw the
possibility of people working together." They called the giant mobilization "a shot in the arm," if you
had been feeling stagnant. "Being there was an incredible awakening." Naomi, a Filipina dancer
and
musician, recalled how "at first a lot of my group were tired, grumpy, wanting to go home.
With mass protests planned for April 16-17 in Washington, D.C. at the meeting of the World Bank
and
the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the opportunity to build on the WTO victory shines brightly.
More than ever, we need to work on our ignorance about global issues with study groups, youth
workshops, conferences. We need to draw specific links between WTO and our close-to-home
struggles in communities of color, as has been emphasized by Raj Jayadev and Lisa Juachon in
The
Silicon Valley Reader: Localizing the Effects of the Global Economy, 1999, which they edited.
Protest-Instruction VS Protest-Obstruction
Get the picture. When you Protest-Instruct, your big smile lets everyone know you are no threat to
the system operators, only to the system's engineering. You can be civil as you suggest your
alternative to the machinery drivers. With no alternative to offer, Protest-Obsctuctors cannot act
civil and end up getting punched out by the cops for simply making trouble. So now the fences are
up in Quebec the threatening nature of the Protest-Obstructors who the media choose to focus on
has prevented even the non-threatening Protest-Instructors like me from any meaningful
participation. Kids in combat boots and gas masks make the news. Not a guy in a white hat
offering an answer. Having participated in most major Anti-Poverty Actions in recent
decades, such as in the Battle in Seattle, Washington, Birmingham, Paris, Cologne, Philadelphia,
New York, even Windsor and now Quebec, I have watched as organizing groups like "50 Years Is
Enough" censor all discussion of non-violent alternatives and steer the masses of demonstrators
to violent means. It's "Bring your combat boots, gas masks and first aid kits but leave your
alternatives at home." Sad to say but the kids in the streets are being conned by the back-room
organizers who have their own hidden agenda which isn't finding a non-violent solution to global
problems. Like UNILETS.
The Vision Thing
excerpted
" This conference is not like other conferences. "
Were the D.C. & Seattle protests unfocused or are critcs
missing
the point?
Naomi
a
> Klein NoLogo from The Nation 7/10/2000;
Village
Voice book review
The Washington-based research center TeleGeography has taken it upon itself to map out
the
architecture of the Internet as if it were the solar system.
a network of "hubs and
spokes."
At some rallies, activists carry actual cloth webs to symbolize their movement. When it's
time
for a meeting, they lay the web on the ground, call out "all spokes on the web" and the structure
becomes a street-level boardroom.
When these events are over, they leave virtually no
trace
behind, save for an archived website.
It is a surfer's approach to activism reflecting the Internet's paradoxical culture of extreme
narcissism coupled with an intense desire for external connection.
Each of these mass protests was organized according to principles of coordinated
decentralization. Rather than present a coherent front, small units of activists surrounded their
target
from all directions.
"coalitions of coalitions," to borrow a phrase from Kevin Danaher of Global Exchange.
Jesse Hirsh, one of the founders of the anarchist computer network Tao Communications,
calls
"a geek adhocracy."
Zapatistas were waging "a war of the flea" that, thanks to the Internet and the global NGO
network, turned into a "war of the swarm." The military challenge of a war of the swarm, the
researchers noted, is that it has no "central leadership or command structure; it is multiheaded,
impossible to decapitate."
WHERE WAS THE COLOR IN SEATTLE?
In the vast acreage of published analysis about the splendid victory over the World Trade
Organization
last November 29-December 3, it is almost impossible to find anyone wondering why the 40-
50,000
demonstrators were overwhelmingly Anglo. How can that be, when the WTO's main victims
around
the world are people of color? Understanding the reasons for the low level of color, and what can
be
learned from it, is absolutely crucial if we are to make Seattle's promise of a new, international
movement against imperialist globalization come true.
Looking for reasons why the Great Battle was so white
Elizabeth (Betita) Martinez from ColorLines natl magazine on race, culture & organizing
510.653.3415
Jinee Kim Bay Area youth organizer
Among those who did come for the WTO meeting were some highly informative third world
panelists
who spoke Monday, November 29 about the effects of WTO on health care and on the
environment.
They included activist-experts from Mexico, Malaysia, the Philippines, Ghana, and Pakistan. On
Tuesday, at the huge rally on November 30 before the march, labor leaders from Mexico, the
Caribbean, South Africa, Malaysia, India, and China spoke along with every major U.S. union
leader
(all white).
Among community activists of color, the Indigenous Environmental Network (IEN) delegation led
by
Tom Goldtooth conducted an impressive program of events with Native peoples from all over the
U.S.
and the world. A 15-member multi-state delegation represented the Southwest Network for
Environmental and Economic Justice based in Albuquerque, which embraces 84 organizations
primarily of color in the U.S. and Mexico; their activities in Seattle were binational.
Many activist youth groups of color came from California, especially the Bay Area, where they
have
been working on such issues as Free Mumia, affirmative action, ethnic studies, and rightwing laws
like
the current Proposition 21 "youth crime" initiative. Seattle-based forces of color that participated
actively included the Filipino Community Center and the international People's Assembly, which
led a
march on Tuesday despite being the only one denied a permit. The predominantly white Direct
Action
Network (DAN), a huge coalition, brought thousands to the protest. But Jia Ching Chen of the Bay
Area's Third Eye Movement was the only young person of color involved in DAN's central
planning.
Still, the overall turnout of color from the U.S. remained around five percent of the total. In personal
interviews, activists from the Bay Area and the Southwest gave me several reasons for this. Some
mentioned concern about the likelihood of brutal police repression. Other obstacles: lack of funds
for
the trip, inability to be absent from work during the week, and problems in finding child care.
We didn't know anything about the WTO except that lots of people were going to the meeting."
One of
the few groups that did feel informed, and did participate, was the hip-hop group Company of
Prophets. According to African American member Rashidi Omari of Oakland, this happened as a
result
of their attending teach-ins by predominantly white groups like Art and Revolution. Company of
Prophets, rapping from a big white van, was in the front ranks of the 6 a.m. march that closed
down the
WTO on November 30.
The problem of unfamiliarity with the WTO was aggravated by the fact that black and Latino
communities across the U.S. lack Internet access compared to many white communities. A July
1999
federal survey showed that among Americans earning $15,000-$35,000 a year, more than 32
percent of
white families owned computers but only 19 percent of black and Latino families. In that same
income
range, only 9 percent of African American and Latino homes had Internet access compared to 27
percent of white families. So information about WTO and all the plans for Seattle did not reach
many
people of color.
Along with such concerns about linkage came the assumption that the protest would be
overwhelmingly white as it was. Coumba Toure, a Bay Area activist originally from Mali, West
Africa,
said she had originally thought, "the whites will take care of the WTO, I don't need to go."
Others were more openly apprehensive. For example, Carlos ("Los" for short) Windham of
Company
of Prophets told me, "I think even Bay Area activists of color who understood the linkage didn't
want
to go to a protest dominated by 50,000 white hippies."
People of color had reason to expect the protest to be white-dominated. Roberto Maestas, director
of
Seattle's Centro de la Raza, told me that in the massive local press coverage before the WTO
meeting,
not a single person of color appeared as a spokesperson for the opposition. "Day after day, you
saw
only white faces in the news. The publicity was a real deterrent to people of color. I think some of
the
unions or church groups should have had representatives of color, to encourage people of color to
participate."
In retrospect, observed Van Jones of STORM (Standing Together to Organize a Revolutionary
Movement) in the Bay Area, "We should have stayed. We didn't see that we had a lot to learn from
them. And they had a lot of materials for making banners, signs, puppets." "Later I went back and
talked to people," recalled Rashidi, "and they were discussing tactics, very smart. Those folks
were
really ready for action. It was limiting for people of color to let that one experience affect their
whole
picture of white activists." Jinee Kim, a Korean American with the Third Eye Movement in the Bay
Area, also thought it was a mistake. "We realized we didn't know how to do a blockade. We had no
gas
masks. They made sure everybody had food and water, they took care of people. We could have
learned from them."
Reflecting the more positive evaluation of white protesters in general, Richard Moore, coordinator
of
the Southwest Network for Environmental and Economic Justice, told me "the white activists were
very disciplined." "We sat down with whites, we didn't take the attitude that `we can't work with
white
folks,'" concluded Rashidi. "It was a liberating experience."
In Just Act, Coumba Toure and two other members of color--Raj Jayadev and Malachi Larabee--
pushed hard for support from the group. As a result, about 40 people of color were enabled to go
thanks to special fundraising and whites staying at people's homes in Seattle so their hotel money
could be used instead on plane tickets for people of color.
Reflecting on the whole issue of working with whites, Coumba talked not only about pushing Just
Act
but also pushing people of color to apply for the help that became available.
One of the problems Coumba said she encountered in doing this was "a legacy of distrust of
middle-
class white activists that has emerged from experiences of `being used.' Or not having our issues
taken
seriously. Involving people of color must be done in a way that gives them real space. Whites must
understand a whole new approach is needed that includes respect (if you go to people of color
thinking
you know more, it creates a barrier). Also, you cannot approach people simply in terms of
numbers,
like `let's give 2 scholarships.' People of color must be central to the project."
Unfortunately the heritage of distrust was intensified by some of the AFL-CIO leadership of labor
on
the November 30 march. They chose to take a different route through downtown rather than
marching
with others to the Convention Center and helping to block the WTO. Also, on the march to
downtown
they reportedly had a conflict with the Third World People's Assembly contingent when they rudely
told the people of color to move aside so they could be in the lead.
That really changed. One of the artists with us, who never considered herself a political activist,
now
wants to get involved back in Oakland. Seattle created a lot of strong bonds in my small
community of
coworkers and friends."
They seem to feel they had seen why, as the chant popularized by the Chicano/a students of
MEChA
goes, "Ain't no power like the power of the people, `Cause the power of the people don't stop!"
There must be effective follow-up and increased communication between people of color across
the
nation: grassroots organizers, activists, cultural workers, and educators. We need to build on the
contacts made (or that need to be made) from Seattle. Even within the Bay Area, activists who
could
form working alliances still do not know of each other's existence.
Many examples of how WTO has hurt poor people in third world countries were given during the
protest. For example, a Pakistani told one panel how, for years, South Africans grew medicinal
herbs to
treat AIDS at very little cost. The WTO ruled that this was "unfair" competition with pharmaceutical
companies seeking to sell their expensive AIDS medications. "People are dying because they
cannot
afford those products," he said. A Filipino reported on indigenous farmers being compelled to use
fertilizers containing poisonous chemicals in order to compete with cheap, imported potatoes.
Ruined,
they often left the land seeking survival elsewhere.
But there are many powerful examples right here in the U.S. For starters, consider:
seniority
TURMEL: U.N. Globalisation Engineer counterprotest in Quebec
John C. "The Banking Systems Engineer" Turmel, Author of Recommendation
to Governments C6 in the http://www.un.org/millennium/declaration.htm For anti-bank and pro-LETS
community currency news, adventures and reports, visit http://www.cyberclass.net/turmel
4.18.01 John Turmel bc726@FreeNet.Carleton.CA
I am John C. "The Engineer" Turmel, Guinness record-breaking Great-Canadian-Character who
authored the United Nations Millennium Declaration to "restructure the global financial
architecture." As the grand-daddy of anti-poverty protestors, my home page pictures
my first arrest protesting the IMF-World Bank in 1982.
Those who have no alternative to offer protest to obstruct. What else have they do say but "Ouch,
stop." The http://www.un.org/Millennium/Declaration.htm C6 UNILETS resolution
is the alternative to global debt-slavery that I have protested to instruct for over the past 22 years.
Six Argentinian provinces successfully tested the LETS alternative time-based currency system in
the mid 1980s. With an an alternative, I have always protested to instruct and will continue to do
so in Quebec City. I will be counterprotesting around the site of the World Leaders' meeting in
Quebec City on Friday, Saturday & Sunday at hign noon to urge the obstructionists to join
us instructionists in keeping our Quebec City protest peaceful enough to instruct the assembled
world leaders to our UNILETS alternative to globalisation's slavery.
As a Protest-Instructor, I represent no threat to those I am protest-instructing. I don't want to make
them mad. I want to convince them to switch the better alternative. In the early 1980s, security
allowed me to join Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth's receiving line wearing my white "The Engineer"
hard-hat and carrying a large protest-instruction sign: "Abolish Interest Rates." Her Majesty was
reported mouthing the two words. Not one of today's Protest-Obstructors would be allowed within
a thousand meters of Her Majesty with a big stick in hand and there is no way in the world they
would let me do that again today but I was trusted within bopping distance of the Queen. In 1967
at Canada's Centennial celebrations on Parliament Hill, she was right in front of me with my rifle in
my hand. It was unloaded of course. She was inspecting me as a member of her Cameron
Highlander Honour Guard. Security also trusted me within bopping distance of President Ronald
Reagan, within bopping distance of General-Secretary Michael Gorbachev too. I could have even
have bopped the Popemobile as John Paul II blessed me going by. I've been trusted within
bopping distance of four Canadian Prime Ministers, Trudeau, Clark, Mulroney, Chretien, and
assorted ministers, MPs, MPPs, etc., even Prince Charles and Diana!
So my Quebec counterprotest will be to instruct the Protest-Obstructors that there's an alternative
that makes it worth giving up the violence, to invite them to Protest-Instruct the wonderful
alternative to globalized debt-slavery that a United Nations interest-free UNILETS bank card,
account, and check book could offer every citizen of Earth by the ratification of the
http://www.un.org/Millennium/Declaration.htm
Section C6 resolution to govts. And if anyone wants the Guinness record-breaking Great-
Canadian-Character who authored the United Nations Millennium Declaration to "restructure the
global financial architecture" as a guest speaker in English or in French, I'll be available for
Sunday, Saturday & Friday evenings and maybe even Thursday if I'm contacted in time.
And I'll have my accordion. After all, my message is LETS Party, not riot.
return to home page
§
email
presented by North Orange County
Greens.org
Santa Ana, Anaheim, Costa Mesa & Garden Grove CA U.S.

Greens
WebRing
EDIT LISTING