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David Trimble, leader of the Ulster Unionist Party -- the main Protestant party, resigned as head of Northern
Ireland's government in June in protest at the lack of disarmament. Britain, which has sovereignty over the
province, must decide by August 12 whether to suspend the home-rule government and reimpose direct rule from
London or call fresh elections, both moves likely to plunge the process into fresh crisis. The latest package was
presented on a "take-it-or-leave-it" basis and a response was demanded by next Monday. Trimble again called on
the IRA to disarm and said his party would examine the new blueprint on Monday. "The crisis will only be resolved by republicans fulfilling their obligation (to disarm). The paper's other proposals will be irrelevant in the absence of decommissioning," he said. Gerry Adams, head of Sinn Fein, the IRA's political ally, said in a statement: "Sinn Fein is coming to this document critically but in a constructive frame of mind." He added that his party's executive would meet on Friday to study the package.
"fair, balanced and justified" |
Sinn Fein disparages peace plan 8.3.01 AP
CASTLEBELLINGHAM, Ireland Sinn Fein leaders said Friday they were "not impressed'' with a joint
British-Irish plan to inspire Irish Republican Army disarmament, the long-unresolved issue unraveling Northern
Ireland's 1998 peace accord. Discussing strategy for several hours at a village hotel north of Dublin, the IRA-linked
party said Britain hadn't promised enough cutbacks in military bases & troops, particularly along the highly
militarized border with the Republic of Ireland. "At first glance, I am not impressed by what I see on demilitarization.
It's not what was promised three years ago, and it's not likely to impress the people I represent," said Conor
Murphy, the party's senior official in South Armagh, a Catholic border region where British forces maintain a
network of watchtowers to monitor IRA activity.
In the complex document unveiled Wednesday, Britain pledged "a progressive rolling program reducing levels of
troops & installations in Northern Ireland", if the threat of terrorism declined. Instead, armed hard-liners on
both sides of the Northern Ireland divide have spent the past week increasing their violence. An overnight car-bomb
attack blamed on IRA dissidents wounded seven people in London. On Wednesday, soldiers defused another car
bomb at Northern Ireland's major airport.
N.Ireland's power-sharing govt, a fruit of the 1998 peace agreement, faces suspension or collapse by Aug. 12
because leaders of the major Protestant party, the Ulster Unionists, are no longer willing to share power with Sinn
Fein. Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble, who triggered the crisis last month by resigning as the administration's
senior Protestant, insists he would seek re-election by the Aug. 12 deadline only if the IRA starts to scrap weapons,
as a series of earlier agreements envisioned should happen. |
The British & Irish prime ministers, Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern, led the second day of negotiations at Weston
Park, an isolated 17th-century mansion in central England. Officials from both governments predicted the
diplomatic push would go on into the night. Hopes of movement on the most pressing issue, IRA disarmament,
were running low. Ahern, who has emphasized that the IRA must act quickly to keep the Protestants in the Cabinet,
said there had been "no progress so far.'' Gerry Adams, leader of the IRA-linked Sinn Fein party, said the
governments and other parties in Northern Ireland's four-party administration were wrong to be demanding any
disarmament now.
Sinn Fein said any IRA action must be accompanied by more British military cutbacks and tougher plans for
reshaping Northern Ireland's mostly Protestant police force. Britain has already withdrawn several thousand troops,
closed more than two dozen bases, and passed police-reform legislation that Catholic politicians refuse to support.
Politicians linked with the UDA and UVF were involved in Monday's negotiations at Weston Park, but Blair and
Ahern dismissed them in order to concentrate on the three parties present from the province's administration: Sinn
Fein, the moderate Catholics of the Social Democratic and Labor Party, and the Protestants of the Ulster Unionist
Party.
The fourth coalition member, hard-line Protestants from the Democratic Unionists, oppose the 1998 pact and
weren't invited. Like the IRA, the UDA and UVF were supposed to scrap weapons in support of the Good Friday
pact and have refused, insisting the IRA go first. Unlike Sinn Fein, which in recent years has grown to represent
half of Northern Ireland's Catholics and holds two of the Cabinet's 12 posts, politicians linked to the UDA and UVF
win too few Protestant votes to hold influential positions. The UDA said its roughly 2,000 members had privately
opposed much of the 1998 deal for a long time and claimed most Protestants "have grown to despise'' the direction
of peacemaking in Northern Ireland.
A UVF-linked politician, David Ervine, said he had asked a series of questions to the Sinn Fein delegation Monday
but received no straight answers. "They are snake-oil salesmen. They don't deal honorably with us, and neither do
the British and Irish governments,'' Ervine said. "It has made it impossible for me to tell my people that this peace
process can include us as equals.'' In Washington, the Bush administration cautiously welcomed an effort by former
President Clinton to help salvage the Good Friday pact, which he had a major role in putting together. White House
spokesman Ari Fleischer said Clinton, who is in England on private business, had met with Blair and Ahern "in his
capacity as a private citizen.'' Fleischer said Clinton had contacted the State Department about a possible trip to
Ireland for peace talks. Adams, the Sinn Fein leader, said he talked to Clinton on the telephone in England.
|
The rioting followed 2 days of sectarian violence in north Belfast and coincided with the annual "marching season,"
when parades by Protestant groups commemorating battlefield victories over Catholics heighten sectarian tension.
The clashes began after schoolgirls and their parents were stoned by Protestant youths on Tuesday as they left a
Catholic school and a pipe bomb was thrown at a house. Britain & the Irish Republic are trying to get the
stalled peace process back on track, but a dispute over disarmament continues to simmer despite cease-fires by
mainstream guerrilla groups like the Irish Republican Army. Sinn Fein is the political wing of the Irish Republican
Army. Adams said he believed the disarmament issue would be resolved.
New Bombing After N. Ireland Riots
BELFAST Tension mounted in N.Ireland on Thursday after a blast bomb exploded at the
back wall of a Roman Catholic house. The explosion followed some of Belfast's worst rioting for years in which
thirty-nine police officers were injured as they kept rival Catholic and Protestant factions apart. A shockwave from
the blast, when a bomb was hurled over the peaceline, separating Catholic and Protestant homes, around 11:15
a.m. EDT on Thursday, blew a child against a fence and an elderly woman was treated for shock. It occurred as
nationalist community leaders met after children were again prevented from going to school by Protestant hard-
liners, who mounted a protest outside Holy Cross Girls' Primary School. 5 Protestant families were moving out of
their homes along the Alliance Avenue interface, police said.
Peace process in crisis The IRA has opened up some of its dumps for international inspection, but unionists say this is not enough. N.Ireland's power-sharing assembly, set up under the landmark 1998 Good Friday peace accord, |
IRA promises to resume arms talks 3.8.01 Reuters
LONDON, England The IRA is to renew discussions with an intl arms decommissioning
body, the republican organisation has said. Thursday's announcement by the Irish Republican Army came as UK
Prime Minister Tony Blair and his Irish counterpart Bertie Ahern prepared for new talks on the Northern Irish peace
process in Belfast. The last contacts between the IRA and the decommissioning body were in June 2000. Blair is
due to meet Ulster Unionist leader & N.Ireland's First Minister
David Trimble (Nobel Peace Prize), Deputy First Minister Seamus Mallon and Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams at
Hillsborough Castle in an attempt to end the deadlock over decommissioning. They will also discuss policing in N. Ireland and demilitarisation, which is threatening the future of the 1998 Good Friday
peace agreement.
In a statement on Thursday morning, the IRA said the British Govt was not prepared to
uphold commitments made over the last few years, which the republicans said was "totally
unacceptable." Despite this, the IRA leadership said it remained committed to the quest for a
lasting peace, but added that it could only be achieved if everyone played their part. The statement
added: "The record shows that the IRA have honoured every commitment we have made including
the opening of IRA arms dumps to inspection by the agreed intl inspectors Cyril Ramaphosa (6.23.00) & Maarti Ahtisaari (10.26.00).
[ lampoons 1 2 ]
We have done so despite the abuse of the peace process by those who persist with the aim of defeating the IRA
and Irish republicanism and the obvious failure of the British Govt to honour its obligations. The political
responsibility for advancing the current situation rests with the 2 govts, especially the British Govt, and the
leadership of the political parties."
3.10.01 Shawn Pogatchnik AP
3.9.01 David Sharrock Telegraph |
Sectarian passions first flared in the area Tuesday when Protestant militants began throwing rocks and bottles at
Catholic girls leaving their Ardoyne school, which lies on the far side of a high steel wall designed to keep the two
communities apart. Gerry Kelly, a senior member of the IRA-allied Sinn Fein party, accused loyalist paramilitaries
of stirring up tension in advance of the summer marching season - which each year produces confrontations
between Protestant fraternal groups and Catholic protesters determined to stop their marches through Catholic
areas.
But Billy Hutchinson, a leader of the Progressive Unionist Party, which is associated with Protestant paramilitiaries,
linked the trouble to the IRA's refusal to disarm. "Are they trying to create a situation where the IRA are made to
hold on to their guns?" Hutchinson said. John Reid, Britain's senior official in N.Ireland, said the violence
was "a reminder to all of us of what is at stake in this peace process." That process, which produced a peace
accord in 1998, is now grinding toward another crisis on the intractable issue of disarming the Irish Republican
Army.
David Trimble, the Protestant leader of N.Ireland's new regional govt, says he will resign on July 1 if
the IRA doesn't take concrete steps to dispose of its weapons. The IRA issued a statement Wednesday saying it
would not meet the deadline. The arms issue "will not be resolved by (Protestant) unionist ultimatums or on British
terms," the outlawed group said in a statement to news media. Reid spoke in London at a news conference with
Richard Haass, the U.S. special envoy for N.Ireland. Haass said the United States supported the 1998
agreement, but said there was "no secret plan in Washington" to solve the remaining problems. "I don't think that
American mediation or something of that sort is called for," Haass said.
W B Yeats wrote "In dreams begins responsibility".
The Programme for Govt sets out the policies and objectives we have identified as our main
priorities for the years ahead. It does so in a way which links vision to practicality, setting out not
just what we aspire to but also the steps we need to take to get there. Our vision is of a peaceful,
inclusive, prosperous, stable and fair society, firmly founded on the achievement of reconciliation,
tolerance and mutual trust, and the protection and vindication of human rights for all. It is a vision
also based on partnership, equality and mutual respect as the basis of relationships within
N.Ireland, between North and South, and between these islands. To achieve that vision
requires a commitment to the prosaic but necessary pursuit of effectiveness, efficiency and
economy within each Govt Dept.
Mr Neeson also called
for proofing that promotes sharing over separation. I would point out to him page 195 of the
Programme for Govt, which deals with the obligations under section 75 of the N.Ireland Act
1998. That includes not only obligations of equality of opportunity but also the requirement to have
a regard for the desirability of better community relations.
The new Executive
programmes are a practical means of enabling us to carry out more effective cross- cutting
work. We are pleased that the concept of cross-cutting funding received strong
endorsement during the consultation on the draft Programme for Govt. We are currently
considering the first bids from Depts and expect to take decisions on the first tranche of allocations
in the coming weeks.
The advice again is that if you think separately as a Department you will not fully realise those
funds' potential. I would like to refer to inclusivity in relation to the Executive rather than the
community. It is a shame, and I say this with great sincerity, that one of the parties to the
Executive still feels it necessary for some arcane reason to work outside the Executive's collective
approach.
Mr McCartney :
Does the Deputy First Minister consider it an arcane principle to refuse to work with the
political representatives of terrorists determined to remain armed?
IRA statement
[ précis: cradle of democracy U.K. uses non-jury trial courts, secret police, &
grandfathered minority rule allies to fight vestigal rebels in a distaff subdivision of a medium size
island that won imperial independence decades ago. Both sides employ terrorism. Oil profits
& black market drug revenues are at stake. ]
12.10.99 IICDecommisioning report
Irish police special
branch officers went to Split soon after the weapons find and arrests, which followed months of
activity by detectives in the eastern European state, to aid investigations by their Croatian
counterparts, and further arrests in Ireland are expected. Cash for the arms is reckoned to
have been raised through smuggling cigarettes and other goods by gangs on both sides of the
Irish border. The amount involved in the Split consignment was today estimated to run into
hundreds of thousands of pounds.
Miami
Prosecutors said that they were happy to win convictions on the
weapons charges, though they added a warning that Florida's lax gun laws were an
encouragement for anyone to buy weapons there. "He [Claxton] came to Florida to buy guns
because it's like buying a car. The laws make it so easy," one prosecutor said. According to
federal agents, South Florida's air and sea ports make it a favorite smuggling haven. "South
Florida is a gateway for anything illegal, coming and going," Zach Mann, a spokesman for the
US Customs Service, said. Prosecutors also said that they believed jurors may have let the
recent progress in the peace process influence their ruling, despite a judge's instructions that
they should avoid paying attention to world news during the course of the month-long trial.
AT
FIRST it appeared a ramshackle operation: guns and ammunition hidden in children's
toys and sent by post from America to Ireland. It seemed too basic to be the work of the IRA.
But closer inspection and an international police operation revealed a $2 million plan by the
IRA to get guns into Ireland in the middle of its supposed ceasefire.
parcel containing
.357 Magnum revolver en route to the Irish Republic from the US went astray and was
detected by X-ray at Coventry airport. An alert was sent out and within days 23 packages
had been found in Ireland, England and the US, all containing guns and all addressed to people in
the Irish Republic.
From West Belfast, Claxton, 27, was ordered by senior IRA figures to go to the US to buy arms.
Claxton was sent to the US with a letter of introduction from Seamus Moley, a senior IRA
member jailed ten years ago for trying to smuggle a stinger missile into N.Ireland.
Claxton presented the note saying: "Help this guy out. Seamus" to Larry Flint, an American
drugs and arms smuggler who had met Moley in prison in Arizona. Flint, who helped to procure
arms for the terrorists, pointed Claxton towards gun dealers and steered him away from places
where the authorities are alert to republican activity.
Claxton
admitted membership of
the IRA, telling a Florida court of missions to South Africa, Sierra Leone and Kurdish areas.
tapped into the small but affluent Irish community around the stylish coastal town
of Ft. Lauderdale and linked up with two IRA "sleepers", Smyth & Mullan,
bought weapons from dealers & posted them back to Ireland.
bought hundreds of
weapons, direct from dealers and by mail order, spending anything from £200 on a second-
hand Magnum revolver to thousands of pounds on sophisticated weaponry.
POLICE in N.Ireland seized weapons including a Browning .30 machinegun and a sniper's
rifle with telescopic sights from the office of a leading loyalist political party yesterday. The
breakfast-time raid at offices used by the Progressive Unionist Party in Ballymoney, Co Antrim,
came as the main Ulster Unionist Party remained deeply split about whether to return to
power-sharing with Sinn Fein next week. The arms discovery at the offices of the PUP, which
has two members in the suspended N.Ireland Assembly and close links with the
outlawed Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando, provoked an outcry across the
political spectrum at a time when communal friction is rising in anticipation of the summer
marching season.
Ian Paisley Jr, of the rival Democratic Unionist Party, said the discovery made a "mockery" of the
UVF ceasefire, which has been in operation since 1994, while the nationalist Social
Democratic and Labour Party said the arms find raised "very grave concerns" and an
explanation was needed. Mr Paisley said: "Police have found the trappings of terrorism in this
office, as opposed to what you would expect to find in the office of a normal political party. The
RUC should now search PUP offices across the Province and investigate the party's links with
punishment attacks and terrorist-related crime." Booby trap components, a stun gun,
ammunition and three replica guns were also seized, as well as balaclavas, combat jackets
and baseball bats of the type used in punishment beatings.
IRA smuggles sniper rifles 'to kill soldiers'
more
THE IRA is rearming with a deadly arsenal, including high-velocity sniper rifles previously used by
the terrorists to kill British soldiers and members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. Mo Mowlam,
the N.Ireland secretary, has been warned by MI5 that the IRA has a stockpile of hundreds
of "unattributable weapons" that do not appear on inventories held by the authorities. In an
assessment presented to Mowlam at a briefing earlier this month, the security service said it had
compelling evidence that an American arms smuggling operation uncovered last month
was run by the Provisional IRA and not by terrorist dissidents, as many had believed. One of the
guns ordered was a Barrett sniper rifle of the type used to kill Lance Bombardier Stephen
Restorick and eight other soldiers and policemen. Police said that the terrorists had already
imported at least 20 weapons this year and up to 200 in total.
8.29.99 Nicholas Rufford & Liam Clarke Sunday Times (UK)
Mowlam is also under pressure
from within the RUC, where senior officers are threatening a campaign of
disobedience over proposed reforms to the force, including changes to its name, uniform, badge
and oath. "This smacks of disbandment and many of us will refuse to do it," said one officer.
"They'll find it hard to implement change without our co-operation." Mowlam surprised many last
week when she declared that the ceasefire was intact despite a string of shootings in Northern
Ireland and the attempted assassination of an IRA informer in Britain.
The MI5 assessment,
which also went to the prime minister, said the IRA had established a network in America to buy
"clean" guns that could be used without jeopardising the release of IRA prisoners. It said the
Provisionals also wanted new weapons so that they could offer up older ones in any
decommissioning process. The smuggling operation was uncovered in July, when a Magnum
revolver was found at Coventry airport, bound for Ireland. Seven other packages were also found
to contain weapons. Three men and a woman were later arrested & charged by the FBI in
Florida and Philadelphia.
Conor Claxton, a Belfast
man arrested in Florida, allegedly told the FBI that the weapons were to be used on British troops
and the RUC. His lawyer later denied this in court. Senator Greorge Mitchell
alarmed by
the number of official leaks coming out of both Dublin and London during the
peace process.
State collusion in Finucane murder 2.2000 British Irish RtsWatch 2.2001 Sunday Times was in court to challenge the injunction taken out against it by the Ministry of Defence, who sought to suppress the paper's coverage about the Force Research Unit, British army intelligence unit that British Irish Rights Watch has alleged was responsible for a number of deaths. |
2.24.00 Laura Friel An Phoblacht/Republican News In 1998, when the British prime minister Tony Blair tabled a resolution to establish the current inquiry into Bloody Sunday, he stated that the particular circumstances of Bloody Sunday merited the establishment of a judicial inquiry. Campaigners on behalf of Pat Finucane believe the case meets the same criteria as that evoked by Blair in relation to Bloody Sunday. "Where the state's own authorities are concerned we must be as sure as we can of the truth," said Blair. The crisis of confidence provoked by the killing of Pat Finucane, and further intensified with the 3.15.99 murder by bomb of Lurgan defence lawyer Rosemary Nelson who testified Sept. 1998 before U.S. Congress House Intl Relations Committee CAJ Jan.2000 on Diplock courts |
U.S.-brokered deal Nov. 1999 resulted in the power-sharing assembly had appeared to
resolve the stalemate between the two groups. Protestant Ulster Unionists agreed to drop
their demand for some IRA disarmament in advance of the Cabinet's formation, and the IRA
pledged for the first time that disarmament was "essential", finally opening talks with an
independent disarmament commission. Leaders of Sinn Fein angrily accused the British and the
pro-British Ulster Unionists of unfairly blaming the recent crisis on the IRA.
"I mean, it's just not physically, mentally or intellectually or emotionally possible for me to keep
teetering, running after a process which doesn't have the engagement of the other players," said
Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams." The other players are going to say, 'Oh no, try again, try
again.'" Adams said in a statement Friday that the proposal by the IRA on disarmament was "a
major breakthrough" that had emerged after two weeks of exhaustive talks with the British and
Irish prime ministers, political parties and the IRA. Although Mandelson welcomed the recent
moves, he said they did not reflect "sufficient progress to withhold suspension at this stage."
England makes all of the laws, which may not have the same relevance in Northern
Ireland. England also appoints court judges, which limits or restricts their accountability to the
citizens. Further, for security purposes, the police must use radios with scrambled frequency
and employ ear speakers to avoid unauthorized monitoring. Many police officers cannot discuss
where they work for fear of harm to themselves or their families, & each police station
must have a cafeteria because police personnel cannot eat safely in public. Since 1969, the
Royal Ulster Constabulary has had over 300 members killed and nearly 10,000 members injured
in the line of duty, all from a total sworn membership of approximately 13,000.
Patten Report govt reply
It was never supposed to be like this. By the time the Patten report was due for publication, the
main elements of the Belfast Agreement should have been implemented, including the all-
important political institutions: the North/South Ministerial Council, the (N/S) implementation
bodies, the British/Irish Council and the govt of devolved functions within N.Ireland itself
through a twelve-member Executive Committee answerable to an Assembly. While some
provisions of the Agreement were in place by the summer of 1999 - the Human Rights
Commission, the Equality Commission, prisoner
releases, new victims' policies and commissions reviewing criminal justice and now the Patten
Commission on policing (published 9.9.99), the governing institutions were not established until
December 1999.
11.99 Statewatch
v.9#6
The Patten Report "A New Beginning:
Policing in N.Ireland. The Report of the Independent Commission
on Policing for N.Ireland" was always predicted to
be the most controversial element of the Agreement due to the one-sided nature of policing
historically and the strong sense of ownership of the Royal Ulster Constabulary by unionists. The
Report should have been published in an atmosphere of political consolidation but instead it
arrived at a time of political crisis, a crisis so deep that the Agreement itself came close to
collapse. The Belfast Agreement (made 10th April 1998) was endorsed in Ireland North and South
by a referendum held on 22nd May 1998. The 71% majority in favour of the Agreement in the
North (and over 90 % in the South) comprised almost universal support by Irish nationalists but
unionists were split about 52/48 for and against.
The Agreement envisaged rapid movement
on the establishment of the political institutions. Elections for the Assembly were held in June
1998 and a First and Deputy First Minister elected (David Trimble, Ulster Unionist Party and
Seamus Mallon, Social Democratic and Labour Party).
The Agreement assumes that a transitional Executive would be formed, using the D'Hondt system
(Ministers selected in proportion to party strength) immediately following the election, with
govt devolved in a matter of months.
Trimble's party continued to insist that
they would not enter an Executive with Sinn Fein (due two ministries) unless the IRA begins to
hand over weapons and explosives. The IRA has stated on a number of occasions that it will
not do this, and Sinn Fein maintains the position that it does not speak for the IRA. Furthermore
Sinn Fein claims to be honouring the Agreement which commits parties to "reaffirm their
commitment to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations
(& to) confirm
their intention to continue to work constructively and in good faith with the Independent
Commission, and to use any influence they may have, to achieve the decommissioning of all
paramilitary arms within two years following endorsement in referendums North and South of the
agreement and in the context of the implementation of the overall settlement."
failed to convince the Ulster Unionist Party, however. The Unionists refused to turn up at
the Assembly, leaving the SDLP and Sinn Fein as the only parties to nominate ministers. The
Executive was then dissolved because it failed to contain at least three Unionists. Seamus Mallon
(SDLP) promptly resigned as Deputy First Minister, but David Trimble felt no need to resign and
continued to draw his First Minister's salary of £60,164.
The two govts then pulled back from the process and asked George Mitchell (the US
Senator who brokered the original Agreement) to see if he could make any progress. After talks
held in Belfast and London, Trimble went to the 860-strong Ulster Unionist Council (the ruling body
of the Ulster Unionist Party) on 27 November, and secured narrow majority support for a motion
backing the setting up of an Executive but subject to a commitment to return to the Council in
February. Trimble is committed to resigning and collapsing the Executive if the IRA
fails to commence decommissioning by February.
If the unionists continue to have serious doubts about the Agreement, then The Report of the
Independent Commission on Policing for N.Ireland only adds to them. The Commission was
chaired by Chris Patten, a cabinet Minister in the Thatcher administration and former Governor of
Hong Kong, and it had 7 other members with very different backgrounds. There were only three
people who worked in N.Ireland,
The RUC, which costs over £600 million per year,
currently has nearly 13,000 officers made up of 8,500 regular officers, a full time reserve of 2,900
and a part-time reserve of 1,300. In addition, there are 3,000 (full time equivalent) civilians. There
is therefore one full-time officer for every 140 people in the population compared with one
officer for every 422 people in England and Wales. N.Ireland therefore has three times as many
police officers per head.
The Special Branch is made up of 850 officers, some 10 per cent of the total regular force
strength. Catholics make up fewer than 8 per cent of uniformed officers. The Commission's Report
contains a large number of criticisms of the RUC and the way that it is controlled. These are
spread throughout the report but taken together they amount to an extensive indictment.
The Commission is highly critical of the management system and suggests that the force is, in fact
commanded, rather than managed.
It also notes the failure of the RUC to keep basic
information on its activities. For example, while there is no actual legal requirement for records to
be kept of roadblocks, stops and searches, no such records are kept so it is impossible to judge
how such policies work in relation to sectarian geography or assumed threats. There is a distinct
absence of community policing and this, the Commission claimed, cannot be laid entirely on the
security situation.
The Commission's recommendations on transparency are far-reaching and it appears to
be unaware of the extent to which they challenge the thinking of the current Home Secretary on
freedom of information.
However, any good that may come from these proposals are
immediately countered by the failure to oppose not only existing N.Ireland -based "emergency"
anti-terrorist law but also the new UK-wide implementation of the Lloyd Report (which seeks to unify anti-terrorist law throughout the
UK and make it compatible with current rulings by the European Court of Human Rights). At the
same time, Patten makes no suggestions whatsoever about how to deal with officers, who in the
past, have been responsible for human rights abuses.
INDEPENDENT COMMISSION ON
POLICING for N.Ireland
set up 6/3/98 by the U.K. Govt. It came out of the Good Friday Agreement
that stated the
independent commission
would be "broadly representative with expert & intl
representation amongst membership" and would consult widely & report no later than summer 1999" :
POLICING IN A PEACEFUL SOCIETY
Police Stations
8.4 If a police service is to be an integral part of the community, it must be
accessible to the public. A legacy of the past decades in N.Ireland has been a police
service physically separated from the public by fortified and fortress-like police stations or
"barracks". Even stations in quiet rural villages have forbidding exteriors.
Emergency Legislation
8.13 As McGarry and O'Leary observed, "much of the dissatisfaction with
policing, in both loyalist and republican areas, stems from the use of emergency powers"
1. The subject was raised with us on many occasions. The powers in question derive in law
from Prevention of Terrorism Act 1989 (PTA) & N.Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act
1996 as amended by N.Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act 1998 (EPA). The police in
N.Ireland have more extensive powers, including powers to stop, question and search, and
powers of entry, search and seizure, than their counterparts in the rest of the United Kingdom. The
army in N.Ireland also have powers of arrest, detention, search and seizure which they do
not have in the rest of the United Kingdom.
We were surprised to discover that there is no requirement for records to be kept of roadblocks,
stops and searches; and that no such records are kept. It was impossible, therefore, to check
some of the observations made to us about police and army actions. The MacPherson report
noted that, in England and Wales too, records of stops and searches by police were incomplete
Holding Centres
8.15 Several of the submissions we received called for the closure of the three
holding centres, at Castlereagh, Gough Barracks and Strand Road, used for the questioning of
persons detained under the emergency legislation. The Commissioner for Holding Centres, Sir
Louis Blom-Cooper QC, advised this Commission that there was no longer a case for holding such
persons in separate centres from those held under PACE (Police and Criminal Evidence (Northern
Ireland) Order 1998). We agree. We recommend that the three holding centres at Castlereagh,
Gough barracks and Strand Road be closed forthwith and that all suspects should in future be
detained in custody suites based in police stations.
8.16 Two questions arise from this recommendation. The first concerns audio and video
recording of interviews, which was introduced into the holding centres on 1 January 1999. The
PACE facilities have only audio recording at present. We recommend that video recording be
introduced into the PACE custody suites. There is also the question of what should happen to
the post of Commissioner for Holding Centres, once the centres have been closed. We
recommend that responsibility for inspecting all custody and interrogation suites should rest with
the Policing Board, and that Lay Visitors be empowered not only to inspect the conditions of
detention (as at present), but also to observe interviews on camera, subject to the consent of the
detainee (as is the case for cell visits). Individual complaints about treatment in these suites should
go to the Police Ombudsman.
DECOMMISSIONING
DEMILITARIZATION
THE BATTLE FOR DEVOLUTION
SUSPENSION OF DEVOLUTION
Thus, despite the Decommissioning body's positive report, and against the protestations of the
Irish Govt and nationalist parties in the North, Northern Secretary Peter Mandelson
proceeded to unilaterally suspend devolution in the North and power was returned to Westminster.
Devolution had failed. Speaking in the Irish Parliament one week later, Irish Premier Bertie Ahern
said unilateral suspension was not something the Irish govt supported, "because it was in
breach of the British-Irish Agreement".
Efforts to Return to Devolution: POLICING
HISTORIC COMPROMISE: THE MAY 5-6th STATEMENTS
GOING FORWARD: THE IMPLEMENTATION PLAN
PATTEN REPORT 'GUTTED'
Security
(2) Emergency Legislation
12.23.00 Rep. IntlRelations Subcomm.
testimony 2/26/97 House Intl
Relations Committee
3.5.01
Richard J. Egan (with Maureen)
donated more than $500K to RNC, top fundraiser
in Massachusetts for G. W. Bush (who) appointed Egan to Technology Advisory Council
Egan also reportedly in running for Ireland ambassadorship.
U.K. SecState forN.Ireland John Reid
1.20.98 Ray Seitz,
former amb. to Britain, alleges information wrongly leaked to
IRA
member of Parliament said end result
is that some people wound up
dead.
Guardian
Statewatch
FCO Minister
Peacekeeping budget
Alexander's Oil&Gas
About £75 million per year over five years has been agreed with the European Union under the EU
Progrmme of Support for
Peace & Reconciliation.
Corporate Europe Observatory
Transnational Inst.
Ex-Im Bank
United Nations research links
UN Report Criticizes Emergency Law Practices in N.Ireland
3.5.98 report by Param Cumaraswamy, U.N, Special Rapporteur on independence of
judges and lawyers from Oct. 1997 fact-finding mission to U.K. The report highlighted the lack
of safeguards for suspects arrested under emergency legislation, including restrictions on access
to legal advice, and made a number of recommendations aimed at ensuring respect for the
rule of law and human rights.
recommendations on the independence of judges and
lawyers
continued abrogation of basic human rights in N.Ireland played a central role
in the conflict in N.Ireland. Previous U.K. govts have hidden behind secrecy & internal
inquiries to avoid being accountable for human rights violations by its agents in N.Ireland. They
ignored recommendations of intl treaty bodies as well as their own internal inquiries. The
protection of fundamental human rights has been seen as secondary to the maintenance of a high
level of security.
less human rights protection for people in N.Ireland than in the rest of
the UK. The lower standards in the administration of justice have resulted in a lack of
accountability and impunity.
4.98 Amnesty Intl
Special interrogation centers
There is no statutory basis for the existence of the special police interrogation centres in Northern
Ireland, which are used for the detention of suspects arrested under emergency legislation, most
notable being Castlereagh Holding Centre in Belfast. They have been the subject of many
allegations of police ill-treatment and torture since the 1970s. Although the number of complaints
of ill-treatment in the interrogation centres have decreased, in 1995 there were 80 formal
complaints of assault lodged against the interrogating officers out of a total of 191 cases of
complaint and in 1996 there were 26 out of a total of 85 cases. In many instances people have
alleged that they were forced into making an involuntary or untrue confession because of ill-
treatment or under duress.
complaints that detectives made comments about the suspects'
lawyers which amount to harassment and intimidation, including deaths threats.
Diplock Courts
Established under emergency legislation in 1973 to try serious offences linked to alleged terrorist
activities. These single-judge and juryless courts do not exist in England, even though people in
England are tried for the same offences. There are a number of people who have been convicted
in these courts who claim to be victims of miscarriages of justice. Amnesty Intl has been
concerned that lower standards for the admissibility of confession evidence, lack of full disclosure
by the prosecution to the defence of crucial evidence, and the curtailment of the right of silence
have resulted in unfair trials.
Refugee index
202 543 5697
Gavan Kennedy exec.dir. Irish American Information Service
UN High Commissioner for HRts,
President of Ireland & honorary Choctaw
per UK MP Henry
Cohen
Human Rights in N.Ireland: Promises Kept or Promises Broken?
INTRODUCTION
3.15.01 Gavan Kennedy exec.dir. Irish American Information Service
US House IOHR Sub-Committee
IAIS was founded in 1991 to foster knowledge and understanding in the United States of the root
causes of conflict in N.Ireland. Our founders believed that the diplomatic and economic
resources of the United States could be utilized to focus greater attention on the sources of
conflict, i.e.; inequality, division, and injustice, such that they would be addressed, resolved and
consigned to the past. The IAIS has been providing coverage of the search for peace and justice
in N.Ireland to US media and Congress since 1991. Since the GFA was signed in 1998,
the IAIS has monitored and reported on the implementation of the Agreement.
The Agreement focused on creating a future for N.Ireland featuring: the protection of
human rights for all, equality, reform of the police force and judicial system, decommissioning of
paramilitary weapons, and demilitarization by the British Army. This May, three years will have
passed since the people of Ireland overwhelmingly endorsed the GFA in referenda, north and
south. Not since 1918, when 74% ?? of the electorate on the island voted for independence from
Britain, has there been such a mandate for an agreed future in Ireland.
But, while devolved govt returned to the north, there remain three major interlocking
aspects of the Agreement that have yet to be fully implemented. They are:
reform of policing; decommissioning of paramilitaries' weaponry; and demilitarization by the British
Army.
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (police service) has traditionally been viewed by the nationalist
community as being the private army of a unionist-dominated state. Republicans point to human
rights abuses, which are numerous and well documented, incidents of collusion between the RUC
and loyalist death squads, and the 92% Protestant make up of the force as reasons to disband the
RUC entirely. On the other hand, unionists viewed the RUC as having been the bulwark between
anarchy and order during 25 years of conflict in the North and argued strenuously for its retention.
Indeed, the issue of police reform proved so intractable in negotiations leading up to the signing of
the Agreement that it was agreed by the participants that an independent international commission
would be established to address this issue.
Former Hong Kong governor Chris Patten, who now serves as Britain's European Union
Commissioner, was nominated to chair the body whose task was to make recommendations for
future policing arrangements in N.Ireland. The Patten Commission presented its wide-
ranging report in accordance with its remit in September of 1999. His report served as the
compromise between radically opposing views on the future of the RUC.
In the negotiations leading up to the GFA, all participants agreed that the resolution of the
paramilitary weapons issue was "an indispensable part of the process of negotiation". An
International Commission on Decommissioning chaired by General John de Chastelain was
established to monitor, review and verify progress on decommissioning of illegal arms.
Accordingly, all signatories to the GFA committed "to work constructively and in good faith with the
Independent Commission (on Decommissioning), and to use any influence they may have, to
achieve the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms within two years following endorsement in
referendums North and South of the agreement and in the context of the implementation of the
overall settlement".
While paramilitary organizations, such as the Irish Republican Army, were not parties to the Good
Friday Agreement and there is no specific requirement in the Agreement for actual
decommissioning, all parties to the Agreement have recognized that decommissioning is an
essential element to the success of the peace process.
In the section of the GFA entitled "Security", the British Govt committed itself to:
"the objective of as early a return as possible to normal security arrangements in N.Ireland,
consistent with the level of threat and with a published overall strategy, dealing with:
(i) the reduction of the numbers and role of the Armed Forces deployed in N.Ireland to
levels compatible with a normal peaceful society;
(ii) the removal of security installations;
(iii) the removal of emergency powers in N.Ireland; and
(iv) other measures appropriate to and compatible with a normal peaceful society."
On December 2, 1999, power was devolved from Westminster to the N.Ireland
Assembly. The multi-party power-sharing Executive finally sat at Stormont for its inaugural
meeting, nineteen months after the Good Friday Agreement was signed. The reason for the
11/2-year delay was that First Minister David Trimble, who is also leader of the Ulster Unionist
Party, had refused to set up power-sharing govt with Sinn Fein until the IRA had begun the
process of decommissioning its arsenal of weapons.
The deal on devolution, brokered by the chairman of the original peace negotiations, Senator
George Mitchell, involved paramilitary organizations appointing interlocutors to deal with the
International Commission on Decommissioning which was chaired by General John de Chastelain.
In his report on December 10th 1999, eight days after the Executive's inaugural meeting, General
de Chastelain stated:
"We have noted elsewhere our belief that decommissioning cannot be imposed. But we believe
that the above-mentioned achievements provide the context for the voluntary decommissioning of
arms. In our 2 July report to the govts we noted that a timetable for decommissioning is
best agreed with the representatives of the paramilitary groups. We believe that still to be the
case."
However, devolution was short-lived. Eight weeks after power was transferred to the Northern
Ireland Assembly, First Minister Trimble, under pressure from hard-line elements within his own
party and ignoring General de Chastelain's caution that decommissioning "cannot be imposed",
threatened to bring down the power-sharing Assembly. His reasoning was that the IRA had failed
to fulfill an Ulster Unionist Party-imposed deadline of January 30, 2000 to decommission weapons.
In order to prevent Mr. Trimble's resignation, the N.Ireland Secretary at that time, Peter
Mandelson, suspended the democratic institutions set up under the Agreement. Mr. Mandelson
did so even though General de Chastelain had issued a positive report on the prospect of
decommissioning prior to Mr. Mandelson signing the suspension order. De Chastelain's report,
issued on February 11, stated: "The [IRA] representative indicated to us today [Friday] the context
in which the IRA will initiate a comprehensive process to put arms beyond use, in a manner as to
ensure maximum public confidence."
The report ended by saying the Commission believed that this commitment held out the real
prospect of an agreement that would enable the decommissioning body to fulfill the substance of
its mandate. Following its meeting with the IRA's interlocutor, the decommissioning body said it
was "particularly significant" that the IRA would consider how to put arms and explosives beyond
use in the context of the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and the removal of the
causes of conflict.
Following suspension, the IRA withdrew its interlocutor from talks with General de Chastelain's
independent decommissioning commission. In a statement on February 15, 2000, the IRA said
that the Ulster Unionists and the British govt had rejected the proposals it made on
February 11 which were outlined in General de Chastelain's most recent report on that same date.
Following the failure of Devolution, the governing body of the Ulster Unionist Party backed a
motion on March 25th 2000 linking the return to the power-sharing executive with the retention of
the name and symbols of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. The RUC's name was due to be
changed, one of the many reforms recommended by the Patten Commission on Policing. The then
Chairman of the House International Relations Committee, Ben Gilman (R) NY, strongly
condemned the Ulster Unionist Council vote. He said the vote showed that the UUP "aren't truly
interested in shared governance".
Congressman Gilman called on the British Govt and Northern Secretary of State, Peter
Mandelson, to "move forward expeditiously with all of the Patten Report's RUC reforms". "The
Patten Commission reforms are needed and are independent of any power-sharing arrangement.
Clearly it is time to end the unionist veto of long-overdue reforms and power-sharing in the North
of Ireland. The Irish people deserve nothing less.".
Following two months of political stagnation, the British and Irish govts met with the pro-
Agreement parties in the beginning of May last year in an effort to save the peace process. The
Patten Report on Policing was still on the shelf, there had been no meaningful progress on
decommissioning, and the British govt had yet to publish a timetable on its plans for
demilitarizing in heavily fortified areas such as South Armagh.
What emerged from the series of meetings was an historic compromise that ostensibly could
resolve the three key areas of the GFA that were preventing N.Ireland from realizing the
hope engendered by the Agreement. The deal emerged in a series of carefully choreographed
and interdependent statements agreed between the IRA, and the British and Irish govts
between May 5 and 6.
The catalyst for the long-sought-after breakthrough was an offer from the IRA on May 6 to
"completely and verifiably put arms beyond use" and to resume contact with the Independent
International Commission on Decommissioning . The IRA also agreed to the regular inspection of
a number of its sealed arms dumps by two international inspectors who would report to the
Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. President Clinton hailed the
statement, praising the IRA for "reaching out" to unionists. It was a very good day, he said. Irish
Premier Bertie Ahern called the statement "unprecedented". Dublin's Irish Times newspaper said
the move was 'a departure of historic dimensions'.
However, the IRA's "unprecedented" offer was made in a very specific context. That was: "The
full implementation, on a progressive and irreversible basis by the two govts, especially the
British govt, of what they have agreed will provide a political context, in an enduring
political process, with the potential to remove the causes of conflict, and in which Irish republicans
and unionists can, as equals, pursue our respective political objectives peacefully"6. The 'political
context' in the IRA's statement refers to explicit guarantees given by the British govt in a
letter sent to the political parties, also dated May 6th. The letter committed the British govt
to action on four specific issues it had committed to under the GFA but had not yet completed.
The four areas were:
Policing and justice,
Security (including demilitarization),
Rights, safeguards and equality of opportunity, and
Prisoners.
Devolution returned to the North on May 30th 2000 amid growing tensions between the nationalist
parties and the Northern Secretary, Peter Mandelson, over reform of the RUC. The Deputy First
Minister and SDLP deputy leader, Seamus Mallon, said that Mr Mandelson was refusing to
discuss the policing issue with the SDLP and had failed to act as an honest broker.
The British govt promised, in the letter to the parties on May 6th 2000, to enact legislation
to implement the Patten Report's recommendations on Policing by November 2000. However,
within the week the promise was in jeopardy. The Ulster Unionist Party's expressed its opposition
to the British govt's decision to change the title of the Royal Ulster Constabulary in
accordance with the Patten report recommendations. It was an issue which UUP leader David
Trimble said may prevent him from recommending a return to power sharing with Sinn Fein.
On July11th 2000, MPs at Westminster backed the proposed legislation to create a new policing
service. However, it is on the record in this Committee that the proposed legislation fell well short
of implementing what the Patten Commission had recommended. A September 7th 2000
resolution in this House's International Relations Committee supported a resolution to Congress
demanding the full and unequivocal implementation of the Patten Recommendations on policing in
N.Ireland.
At the resolution's mark-up, Congressman Smith NJ (R) spoke of the bipartisan support for a new
policing service and said that the Policing Bill clearly fell short of what was needed to produce a
policing service supported by nationalists. "The RUC is not acceptable," he said. Congressman
Peter King NY (R) made the point that policing was a metaphor for the entire peace process. The
real importance of the legislation and the whole debate was to send the message "that both US
political parties were united behind the Patten Commission". "Americans see the whole issue of
policing as being a metaphor for what's wrong in N.Ireland and what can be good about
N.Ireland," he said. In a statement, Senator Ted Kennedy MA (D) said that, while
welcoming Patten's "sensible agenda for reform", the report "shouldn't be watered down under
unionist pressure".
Perhaps the most powerful analysis of the proposed legislation to enact the Patten Report's
recommendations comes from actual members of the Patten Commission itself:
Gerald Lynch, president of John Jay College, testifying before Helsinki Commission here on Sept
22nd 2000 said it was crucial that the recommendations of the Patten Report "not be cherry picked
but be implemented in a cohesive and constructive manner". The people of N.Ireland
"deserved no less than this new beginning for policing" he said, and "any significant modifications
will deprive them of this long awaited police service capable of sustaining support from the
community as a whole".
In an article in the Manchester Guardian newspaper, another member of the Patten Commission,
Professor Clifford Sheering said that the Patten Report had been gutted. He said that the British
Govt's policy had failed to fulfill the hopes and vision of the Good Friday Agreement. The
Police Bill "dismantles the foundations" on which the Patten Commission's plans were built, he
said. Professor Shearing said he subjected the Police Bill to a line-by-line analysis to prove it
"bore little relation" to the original recommendations. "The Patten report has not been cherry-
picked, it has been gutted. The Bill does not fulfill the hopes and vision of the Belfast Agreement.
Nor does it satisfy the very clear mandate set out in the commission's terms of reference," he
said.
In spite of these protestations, the Police (NI) Bill passed the House of Commons and became
law. Testimony given to the Helsinki Commission in this House gives great detail into how the
legislation had departed significantly from the Patten Report's recommendations. Four days later,
Irish premier Bertie Ahern said he could not recommend that nationalists should join the new
Police Service of N.Ireland as it stood. On this analysis, it would be difficult to argue that
the British govt had lived up to its promise to implement the Patten Report by November
2000. The cornerstone of the May 5-6th deal had crumbled.
(1) Demilitarization
The British govt promised, in the letter to the parties on May 6th 2000, to "progressively
take all the necessary steps to secure as early a return as possible to normal security
arrangements in N.Ireland, consistent with the level of threat" . The participants to the GFA
recognized that the development of a peaceful environment on the basis of the agreement could
and should mean a normalisation of security arrangements and practices . Since the May 5-6th
deal, troop numbers have been reduced and a number of security bases have been closed. But
republicans argue that the movement has been minimal.
The British Security forces argue that dissident groups, intent on destroying the GFA, make
widespread demilitarization more difficult. On December 19th 2000, N.Ireland Secretary
Peter Mandelson said he had to balance the calls to dismantle security installations "against
society's need for protection". "The price of getting it wrong could be another Omagh" he said.
However, republicans argue that the failure of the British Govt to establish a precise
timetable to achieve "normalization" of the security situation by expressing "an exaggerated fear"
of the threat posed by dissident groups is unacceptable.
Republicans question what branch of the British military or security establishment decides, on
behalf of the people of N.Ireland, what exactly constitutes a credible threat? Given the
suspicion with which the nationalist community views the security establishment in the North,
many are skeptical of such a process of decision-making. They wonder what is there to prevent
scare tactics being used to indefinitely block progress on a substantive process of
normalization.
The British govt agreed in the GFA to reform emergency legislation laws such as trial
without jury and abrogation of the right to silence. Specifically, the govt promised to "the
removal of emergency powers in N.Ireland." However, instead of bringing criminal law and
procedure into line with accepted human rights norms, Britain has enacted some even more
repressive laws, made some of the laws permanent, and applied some of those laws to Britain, as
a whole.
Among other things, the "Terrorism Act of 2000" continued Britain's power to "derogate" or exclude
itself from selected rights contained in the European Convention on Human Rights, shifting the
presumption of guilt to defendants in certain cases, and extended police power to arrest people
and hold them incommunicado. Amnesty International described the situation: "This Act
effectively takes emergency powers that were conceded to deal with the situation in Northern
Ireland and puts them permanently into legislation." The Committee on the Administration for
Justice said the opportunity for eliminating the non-jury Diplock courts had "been squandered" .
Britain has broken the promise in made to remove emergency legislation in N.Ireland.
CAJ Paul Mageean testimony to Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
3.14.00 Congressional
Hearing WashDC
Rep. McKinney 9.24.99 IOHR Subcomm hearing re Patten
rpt
H.R.
S.R.
lobby
Arms Trade News (CLW) :
FY99 U.S. Weapons
Export Licenses for
Ireland $3,246,938
FY99 Export Licenses
for Manuf. & Technical Assistance Agreements Ireland $2,300,000
US reduces Ulster to secondary importance
Washington N.Ireland is to be downgraded as a policy issue by the Bush
administration. It will return responsibility for it from the White House to the State Department.
According to British & Irish sources, Richard Haass, nominated as director of
policy planning under Gen Colin Powell, the new Secretary of State, will be given
responsibility for the N.Ireland portfolio. Under Pres. Clinton, the National Security Council handled Irish matters
from the White House. President George W Bush has made clear that he will not take the
same close interest. Haass, former Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, is a Middle East specialist
thought never to have visited N.Ireland. He was a member of the National Security
Council under Pres. Geo.Bush Sr. Haass stressed at a conference last year that Mr Clinton had
"gone to and fro and been attracted to issues of second order importance and ignored issues of
first order importance".
3.12.01 Toby Harnden Telegraph
The Bush administration has indicated that it views N.Ireland as a secondary matter and
would not appoint a special envoy. American Sinn Fein supporters were dismayed when Mr Bush
indicated to Tony Blair that he would intervene in N.Ireland only at Britain's request. After
Irish govt pressure, the White House has added a reception to
the St Patrick's Day events next week and Gen Powell has said that Mr Bush would listen to
Bertie Ahern, the Irish Prime Minister, when deciding whether to engage in N.Ireland.
more diplomatic vacillation
xSec.State Albright
1.18.01 Ireland statement
formerly Armed Forces Minister 5.5.97-7.27.98, deputy to the Shadow Secretary of State
for Defence in 1995.
Following 12.2.99 devolution of power to New
N.Ireland Administration, Secretary of State retains responsibility for constitutional & security
issues as they relate to N.Ireland, in particular law & order, policing and criminal justice policy.
Appointments
Dr. Stoate: To ask Sec.State for N.Ireland if announcement about Independent
Commissioner for Holding Centres.
7.28.00 Hansard House of
Commons Daily Debates
Mandelson: Dr. Wm Norris accepted appt to post of Independent Commissioner for
Holding Centres on 10.1.00
I am grateful to him for accepting appt and confident he will provide valuable contribution
monitoring care & treatment of detainees held in Holding Centres for as long as the
Centres remain open and will produce well informed annual reports. Appreciation
& thanks to his predecessor Sir Louis Blom-Cooper for
past 8 years and
reassurances he provided the Govt and public that detainees have been treated fairly &
properly.
Mandelson: Govt continues to value highly the work of the Independent Assessor of
Military Complaints Procedures. I have today re-appointed Mr. Jim McDonald as
Independent Assessor of Military Complaints Procedures in N.Ireland until 24 August 2003.
N.Ireland Secretary Resigns
PM Blair lost his top man in N.Ireland Wed. as Peter Mandelson resigned from the
Cabinet following controversy over his
involvement in wealthy Indian's citizenship application. Mandelson's departure created a vacuum
at the heart of Britain's effort to promote peace in N.Ireland and left Blair vulnerable to
attacks about his own judgment in trusting Mandelson, who orchestrated Blair's election as Labor
Party leader and the party's 1997 landslide election victory. 47-year-old Mandelson insisted he had
done nothing improper in contacting a Home Office minister about the successful citizenship
application of Srichand Hinduja, who is facing allegations in India that he and his brothers illegally
accepted payments in arms deal.
1.24.01 AP
Online
Wed. morning's Sun
: "Mandy told a porky"
"Immigrant
trafficking" labor diaspora
issue focus Foreign Media Reaction US State Dept WashDC Off. of Research
State Dept 1999 Human Rights, Trade, Narcotics , Terrorism &
Intl Religious
Freedom reports re
Wash.Rpt
Commerce
Brid
Rodgers Irish AgMin, first woman to chair an Irish political party (1978)
1.22.98 Reuters
N.Ireland Greenpeace said Thursday it had blockaded a British Petroleum offshore
oil vessel in Belfast harbor in its first non-violent action against new oil exploration since the Kyoto
climate summit. The activities, supported by three inflatable boats and a team of eight including
two divers, stopped the vessel, Schiehallion from leaving the port. Schiehallion, a Floating
production, Storage and Offloading vessel (FPSO) was to have sailed to the Atlantic Frontier,
north of Ireland
DOE country report
Oilwatch Europe
Drug links and terrorism keep Adair in jail
THE loyalist terrorist Johnny "Mad Dog" Adair failed to win his freedom yesterday
because of "damaging information" linking him to attempted murders, drugs and gun-
running. N.Ireland's Sentence Review Commission turned down his appeal to
be released from jail after examining evidence that he was organising killings, stirring
hatred against Roman Catholics and dealing in guns and drugs.
The
commission said it had received "damaging information" from Peter Mandelson and the
Royal Ulster Constabulary about Adair's behaviour since his early release from the
Maze prison in September 1999 under the terms of the Good Friday agreement. The
N.Ireland Secretary told them that Adair, a convicted leader of the Ulster
Freedom Fighters, had authorised a number of attempted murders and so-called
punishment shootings. He was procuring & distributing guns and ammunition and
dealing in drugs, paying terrorists from the profits.
1.10.01 Audrey Magee The Times
The RUC had
been monitoring Adair since his release and compiled video evidence and intelligence
about his movements, which were presented to the Commission. Much of the evidence
centred on his activities at Drumcree, when Sir Ronnie Flanagan, the RUC Chief
Constable, publicly warned him that he was being watched, and in Belfast, at the height
of the feud last summer between Adair's terrorist group and the Ulster Volunteer Force.
He had expected to walk free, as the commission indicated last month that it
thought his rearrest last August on the orders of Mr Mandelson unjust. The committee
reversed its decision after evidence presented by the Govt and Sir Ronnie
during a closed two-day hearing last week in Maghaberry jail, where Adair is being
held.
RUC losing battle against drugs, says Close
Belfast THE NORTHERN ASSEMBLY: The RUC is losing the battle against an
increasing drugs trade in the North, an Assemblyman has said. Mr Seamus Close of the Alliance
party made the claim during a presentation by members of the RUC and Northern Customs to an
ad-hoc Assembly committee considering legislation that would allow the proceeds of criminal
activities to be confiscated. Earlier, Det Supt David Thompson, head of the Economic Crime
Bureau, said the Financial Investigation Order (NI) 2001 would help the force clamp down on the
North's leading criminals by extending the powers of investigation into their finances.
1.9.01 Paul Tanney & Michael Bradley The Irish Times
Customs
officials told the committee there was evidence criminals were moving away from banks and
making greater use of solicitors and real estate to launder the proceeds of crime. The new
measures took account of this and other developments. Mr Close said, however, that "even the
proverbial dogs in the street" could point out drug dealers who were ostensibly on benefit driving
cars worth £20,000. He put it to Mr Thompson that the measures employed by the RUC were not
working. "If we were cracking down we would not be seeing increases in drugs seizures."
Mr
Thompson said the police had to have evidence before they could satisfy the courts that a
confiscation order should be put into effect. As a criminal conviction was necessary, they had to
have evidence that would prove guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. "The difficulty is in getting that
evidence." Mr Close said only an agency following the lower, civil standard of proof, like the Criminal Assets Bureau in the South, would have any real success in seizing criminal
assets.
Violence in North is linked to drugs
1.25.99 FBI Natl Press
Office
1.8.01 Jim Cusack The Irish Times
This week, officers from the national police agencies of N.Ireland, the RUC, & the Republic of Ireland, Garda, are participating in an
unprecedented training program at the FBI Academy at Quantico, Virginia. The joint
FBI/State Department Office of Anti-Terrorism Assistance-sponsored program brings
together key middle- and upper-level officers from the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the
national police of N.Ireland, and the Garda Siochana (Garda), Ireland's national police, for
the first time in a joint training setting in the United States. The attendees are considered
to be among the future leaders of the law enforcement community in both parts of Ireland. Much of
the program will address the new challenges that societal changes are having on law enforcement
in the region. In particular, the officers will discuss the changing needs of the community and the
interaction between the police and the public in this new environment. Experts will lead
discussions on a range of topics such as human rights, the recognition of diversity, stress
management, and anti-terrorism and anti-crime strategies.
US DoJ Foreign agents registration per
N.Ireland
Pentagon
Sean MacBride Peace Prize
Disarmament: UK Keeps Selling Arms in "Sensitive" Zones
London The U.K. has significantly reduced the value of its arms
sales abroad, but continues to
sell weapons to countries that are involved in internal repression and regional wars, non-
governmental groups here say. Commenting on the British govt's second annual "Report
on Strategic Export Controls" released last week, the independent foreign policy think-tank
Saferworld said that arms are being sold to countries in Africa, Asia, South America and the
Middle East, many of them considered to be "sensitive" areas.
11.16.99 IPS
This is happening in spite of British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's commitment to pursue an
"ethical" foreign policy, Saferworld said. The value of the arms being sold abroad in 1998
decreased from $5.4 billion in 1997 to $3.2 billion in 1998, but the groups accused the New Labor
govt of Prime Minister Tony Blair of blurring details essential for an effective public
scrutiny.
liberation movements
USIS
USArmy
In 1998
U.S.
troops in
armed forces
Global Intell. Update tease
Covert Action Qtrly re N. Ireland : #8 March 1980
NGOs
HRts Watch on N.Ireland detention,
prosecution & policing abuses under emergency laws
U.S. based re-unification org
Norwegian Initiative
on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT)
arms trade forum
International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, & British American Security Information
Council
(BASIC),
Irish Northern Aid Commitee L.A.
NGOs & PVOs
Ctr for Intl Policy Demilitarization
Council on Foreign Relations
Ctr for Strategic & Intl Studies
NED
ICG
Corp
WorldBank
AP
govt
D.C. embassy practical timeline
8/29/00 Sunshine Project
7/27/00 State Dept 1999 Military Expenditures annual
report
re
IPS
Press Review
Time
reading list
Jan.01 A Farewell to Arms? From Long War to Long Peace in N.Ireland
Michael Cox, Adrian Guelke ed., Fiona Stephen ed.
Spatial ambivalence of England's
neighbouring territories is demonstrated by the slippages that could occur in contemporary
references to national geography. In John of Gaunt's vision of a "sceptred isle," perhaps the
locus classicus of such geographical distortions, divine favour and cartographic vision combine to
produce the "island" of England as a "blessed plot" (II, i, 50), effacing all traces of Scots and
Welsh. In a gesture at once more expansive and even less interested in geographical fact, Wm
Cuningham declared in his Cosmographical Glasse that "vnder the name of Englande, I
comprehende the whole Ilande conteyning also Schotlande, & Irelande", a memorable
passage in a book entirely concerned with technical precision in measuring land, reading the sky
and producing accurate maps.
I have advocated civil rights in N.Ireland during all my years in Congress. Nationalists in N.Ireland have identified
with black American civil rights activists for years. Ties between the two struggles go back for over a century, from
the time escaped black slave Frederick Douglass arrived in Ireland in 1845 to campaign for support for the
antislavery movement in the U.S. Douglass addressed a political meeting with Daniel O'Connell at Liberty Hall in
Dublin, and rallied support for the abolitionist cause in Tipperary, Wexford, and Belfast.
By the mid-1960's, many young Nationalists in N.Ireland drew parallels between their struggle and the push for civil
rights by blacks in the United States. In many ways the two movements have faced similar challenges-both
grappling with the limits of non-violence.
The April 1998 Good Friday Peace Agreement took eighteen months just to begin to be implemented.
Governmental institutions were dissolved after only seventy-four days, and were restarted in June of 2000. The
new governmental structures are in constant danger of collapse, and, some would say, sabotage. When the people
of Ireland endorsed the Good Friday Agreement they did so in the belief that it would be a charter for change and
that a range of measures including the equality agenda and a new beginning to policing would be delivered.
The policing issue was always a cornerstone issue. The Good Friday Agreement is very clear on the mandate for
fair and impartial policing. The referendum also endorsed these terms. But, sadly, these terms of reference were
not implemented. As a result, the Royal Ulster Constabulary remains 93% Protestant and 90% white male with little
community input and no affirmative action.
When good and decent people live in fear of the very instrument created to protect them, then there is a major
violation of freedom for everyone in that nation. The Royal Ulster Constabulary and their tactics of violence have
been likened to Bull Connor and George Wallace in Alabama during the Civil Rights movement. And just as justice
soon overtook even Bull Conner and George Wallace, I'm sure that oppression and illegitimacy are not sustainable
in N.Ireland. The Royal Ulster Constabulary should be part of the solution, not part of the problem. This is a very
important issue. I understand the solidarity that the IRA has demonstrated in my own struggle as an African-
American to be free-a full citizen in my own land-as they have also stood in solidarity with my brothers and sisters
on the African Continent to be free of colonial rule-something they both, sadly, know too much about.
When good decent people live in fear of the very instrument created to protect them, then there is
a major violation of freedom for all in that nation. In the U.S. today, there is an increase in police
brutality especially directed to young people and African Americans as evidenced in New York City
in recent months. No person whether black or white, Catholic or Protestant or Muslim or Jewish
could live in fear that the people who are supposed to protect them should turn their fury and
hatred upon them. In setting up the RUC, Her Majesty's Govt in Parliament did just that. The RUC
& their tactics of violence & racism remind me of Bull Conors and Geo. Wallace in
Birmingham, Alabama during the Civil Rights movement or even Daryl Gates and the police
officers in Los Angeles that beat Rodney King. Bull Conors, George Wallace, and Daryl Gates hid
behind the legitimacy of law and order to systematically deny millions of African-Americans their
civil rights.
Comedy of Errors (c. 1594)
opens the set of references to Ireland in the Shakespearean canon. In Act 3, a comic exchange
between Dromio and Antipholus of Syracuse is structured around the image of a terrestial globe.
Prompted by Antipholus, Dromio practises his misogyny on the kitchen maid Nell: "She is
spherical, like a globe. I could find out countries in her." "In what part of her body stands Ireland?"
"Marry, sir, in her buttocks. I found it out by the bogs." (III, ii, 113-7)
Cynthia McKinney D - GA 4th Dist.
Hearing on Human Rights in N.Ireland
I want to thank Chairwoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen for recognizing the importance of this crucial period in the history
of N.Ireland. I also want to praise the Vice Chair of this Subcommittee, Chris Smith, for his passion and work to
bring true justice to the people of N.Ireland.
Today is a very special day of remembrance, as it was 2 years ago to this day, March 15, 1999, that Rosemary
Nelson, a leading human rights lawyer in N.Ireland, was killed by a car bomb. Ms. Nelson had been consistently
exposing the corruption of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. A brilliant human rights lawyer, she had been involved
directly in a number of key human rights cases. The sympathy notices in the local newspapers the day of her
murder in that region clearly indicated the wide range of causes she had taken up. We must not forget Rosemary's
work. Indeed, we must make sure that Rosemary's work continues. We must also see to it that an authoritative
international tribunal be put together to investigate this freedom fighter's murder.
3.15.01 Cong. Cynthia McKinney HIRC IOHR subcommittee hearing statement
Protestors at the first filmed civil rights march in N.Ireland, Derry on October 5, 1968, echoed the demands of black
Americans in calling for police reform, in chanting "One Man, One Vote," and in singing "We Shall Overcome." Two
weeks after Bloody Sunday in 1972, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, founded by Dr. Martin Luther
King, dispatched the senior officials to Belfast to take part in protest marches and to speak at a N.Ireland Civil
Rights Association (NICRA) meeting. Bernard Lee, a veteran of the Atlanta sit-ins and a close associate of Dr.
King's, was part of the group which included Juanita Abernathy, wife of the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, another key King
confidante. Juanita Abernathy told the NICRA conference that "the struggle for Irish freedom is the same struggle
as that going on in the U.S."
Indeed, the British newspaper, The Guardian, comments in November of last year at the close of the legislative
processing of the British Govt's "Police Act," that "the core elements of the Patten Commission's report
have been undermined everywhere. The district policing partnership boards that are so vital to the Patten
Commission's vision have been diluted. So have its recommendations in the key areas outlined in its terms of
reference composition, recruitment, culture, ethos, and symbols. The Patten report has not been cherry picked-it
has been gutted." The Patten Commission Report would, if implemented, parallel the historic Civil Rights Act of
1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 in which the United States took important first steps toward ending legal
segregation-U.S.-styled apartheid-and second-class status for African-Americans. Now the question is: Will
Parliament in N.Ireland change this abomination and grant full civil rights to Irish Catholics or are they to remain
second class citizens in their own land?
9.24.99 IOHR Subcommittee Patten Report hearing
I have advocated civil rights in N.Ireland during all my years in Congress. Today in this
world, N.Ireland represents a Human Rights debacle that has been festering for hundreds of
years. Yet N.Ireland, today is at the threshold of a new day when Catholics and
Protestants can live together in religious harmnoy.
not avail. officially
Honorable Chris Patten,
commended for the work accomplished
This is a START
for solving the human rights atrocities committed by the RUC to the Irish Roman
Catholic minority. I emphasis start because there is a long way to attain a true harmony between
the Irish Protestants and Catholics, the Orangeman & the Nationalists. This Commission with
the Good Friday Accords, signed a year and a half ago, should serve as a beacon of change in
the history of this embattled province. This would be a first step to reproachment of these
divided religious groups. This Commission Report would, if implemented, parallel the historic Civil
Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 which in the United States was the first step
forward to end the legal segregation and second class status of African-Americans. In the U.S.,
African-Americans still had and have far to go, but we made a step, we changed the law. Now the
question is: Will Parliament in N.Ireland change this abomination and grant full civil rights to Irish
Catholics or are they to remain second class citizens?
Yet there is a chance for a change, The Patten Commission calls for a reform of the RUC, but we
need to go farther. The Patten Reprt outlines 175 recommendations that if implemented may
change this climate of hatred. I must say that this is a good beginning. yet in speaking with the
Irish Catholic Community, I see there is farther to go. The RUC is in need of a complete and total
reform, first with the step of allowing Catholics to join the force. Right now the RUC is at a strength
of about 13,500 officers. The full-time force is 92 percent Protestant. The full-time reserve is
93% Protestant and the part time reserve is 95% Protestant. How can a people trust the
RUC when then are not allowed to serve in it. This kind of racism must stop.
In conclusion I want to thank Mr., Patten for his service to the minorities of N.Ireland and the
others testifying today. I believe from this point on we can more to start to bring a change to the
people of N.Ireland. Mr. Patten has shown that we can all work together and I hope that
we can continue and move on to more changes to the system.
| presented by § |
OCIAL JUSTICE |